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Write a 10-12 page essay. The topic is gender roles. Use APA style subheadings, double-spacing, 12-point font, one-inch margins (left, right, top, and bottom), page numbering, and logical flow from topic to topic.Information and/or quotes from other sources should be relevant and thoughtfully placed. Consult the Publication Manual of the American Psychological Association, sixth edition, for proper form of citations and references. You may use sources from the Web, your textbook or other books, and scientific journals. Magazines and newspapers are generally not acceptable. For instance, the Journal of Personality and Social Psychology is acceptable, but Psychology Today is not. The following criteria will be considered in the evaluation of your paper:Accuracy—Are your stated facts or ideas correct?Clarity—Is your essay clear and easy to follow? You may want to read your essay out loud to yourself. This will help you catch incomplete sentences or lapses in logic.Depth—Are the issues and implications well thought out and explored?Supporting evidence—Are your ideas supported with empirical evidence? This is a crucial part of any well-written essay. You may support your ideas with theories, previously conducted research, or other information you encounter in the text and other sources (journal articles and so forth). You may also use personal experiences as supporting evidence when appropriate.References—Did you use appropriate references to support the main points of your paper? You may find references in the textbook bibliography that support your ideas. Be sure you have these references—that is, that you have the articles on hand if you used them, and make sure that your references relate to the point you are making or support your inferences.Form, composition, spelling, and so forth—Is your paper neat and error-free? It helps to run spellcheck before submitting your work and to have a colleague or friend read over your work.APA style—Did you follow the formatting rules of the American Psychological Association (APA)? Use your APA publication manual. References: (Two attached, feel free to add)
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Psychology of Men & Masculinity
2018, Vol. 19, No. 2, 243–256
© 2017 American Psychological Association
1524-9220/18/$12.00 http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/men0000101
Gender Role Beliefs, Work–Family Conflict, and Father Involvement After
the Birth of a Second Child
Patty X. Kuo, Brenda L. Volling, and Richard Gonzalez
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
University of Michigan
A major task for parents during the transition to second-time parenthood is to help their firstborn adjust
to their new roles as siblings. Increased father involvement has been theorized to be protective for
firstborn adjustment. Fathers, however, are under increasing pressure to balance both work and family
responsibilities. Here we evaluate fathers’ relative involvement in 2-child families as a function of family
structure, gender role beliefs, and work-family conflict in 222 dual- and single-earner families from the
Midwestern region of the United States after the birth of a second child. Couples reported on father
involvement with firstborns and infants when the infants were 1, 4, 8, and 12 months old. On average,
fathers increased their involvement with infants but decreased their involvement with firstborns. Dualearner fathers were more involved with their children than were single-earner fathers. Although mean
levels of father involvement were different between dual- and single-earners, multigroup parallel process
trajectory latent growth curve models revealed more similarities than differences between dual- and
single-earners in processes guiding father involvement. Both dual- and single-earner fathers engaged in
juggling childcare between children and both dual- and single-earner fathers’ involvement with infants
was constrained by work–family conflict. Gender role beliefs predicted child care involvement for
dual-earner, but not single-earner fathers: more egalitarian gender roles predicted greater involvement
with the firstborn immediately after the birth of the second child. Results underscore the need for greater
workplace support for fathers’ caregiving roles after the birth of an infant.
Keywords: fathers, gender roles, work–family conflict, second child
and whether or not she has to “double her existence” for both
children (Kreppner, Paulsen, & Schuetze, 1982; Stewart, 1990),
fathers are often not given paternal leave or access to flexible work
policies that enable their full involvement at home (Adema,
Clarke, & Frey, 2015), despite the clear benefits of parental leave
to men’s parenting and engagement (U.S. Department of Labor,
2016). Further, father involvement in the infancy and early childhood years are beneficial for children’s socioemotional development (Yogman et al., 2016). In this article, we explored both
changes in mean levels of father involvement and the processes
(e.g., gender role beliefs, work-family conflict) predicting father
involvement in both dual- and single-earner families after the birth
of a second child.
Attitudes about gender roles within families are changing. Modern fathers envision being actively involved in their children’s
lives, but workplace policies may limit men’s abilities to be more
involved at home (Pedulla & Thébaud, 2015). Given that most
firstborn children are between 2 and 3 years of age when they
become older siblings (Baydar, Hyle, & Brooks-Gunn, 1997),
parents now must balance the sleepless nights caring for an infant
while they meet the demands of an energetic toddler. Tensions
between men’s beliefs about active involvement and their abilities
to be involved likely heighten after the birth of a second child as
a result of managing childcare responsibilities. Although increasing father involvement is key to supporting a mother’s adjustment
Developmental Changes in Families After the Birth of
a Second Child
This article was published Online First March 16, 2017.
Patty X. Kuo, Department of Psychology, University of Michigan; Brenda
L. Volling, Department of Psychology and Center for Human Growth and
Development, University of Michigan; Richard Gonzalez, Department of
Psychology, University of Michigan.
The research reported here was supported by grants from the Eunice
Kennedy Shriver National Institute of Child Health and Human Development (R01HD042607, K02HD047423) to Brenda L. Volling. Previous
versions of this article were presented at the American Psychological
Association Annual Meeting (2014), Washington, DC and the Biennial
Meeting of the Society for Research on Child Development (2015), Philadelphia, PA. We are grateful to the families and staff of the Family
Transitions Study.
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Patty X.
Kuo, who is now at Department of Anthropology, University of Notre
Dame, 611 Flanner Hall, Notre Dame, IN 46556. E-mail: [email protected]
According to family systems theory (Minuchin, 1985), family
relationships and roles change during periods of transition, including the birth of a child. When couples experience the transition to
first-time parenthood, their family roles evolve to include new
coparenting responsibilities. Becoming a new parent is frequently
described as overwhelming and tiring (Nyström & Öhrling, 2004),
but childcare responsibility tends to fall greater on mothers than
fathers (Yavorsky, Dush, & Schoppe-Sullivan, 2015). Men who
subscribe to hegemonic masculinity are likely to overemphasize
their breadwinner roles at the expense of participating in active
childcare (McKelley & Rochlen, 2016), thus creating a gender
traditional (mother– caretaker, father– breadwinner) coparenting
relationship. In contrast to adopting a completely new coparenting
243
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
244
KUO, VOLLING, AND GONZALEZ
role during the transition to first-time parenthood, the transition to
second-time parenthood encompasses an adjustment of the existing coparenting relationship between parents. This transition, however, is not without stress or strain. During the first few months
after the birth of a second child, coparenting conflict increases
between parents, whereas cooperation decreases (Kuo, Volling, &
Gonzalez, 2017), but parents become more cooperative at the end
of the year (Szabó, Dubas, & van Aken, 2012). On average,
mothers report greater conflict and ambivalence in their marriages
after the birth of a second child, but positive marital relations did
not differ for mothers and fathers (Volling, Oh, Gonzalez, Kuo, &
Yu, 2015).
Although parents are not taking on dramatically new family
roles during the transition to second-time parenthood, their firstborn children are now older siblings. One of the major tasks for
parents during this period is to help the firstborn adjust to their new
role as an older sibling. Firstborns vary dramatically in their
reactions to the birth of a baby sibling: Some firstborns are jealous
and aggressive toward the baby, others are excited and welcoming,
but many are ambivalent toward the second child (Volling, 2005).
According to the developmental ecological systems model, father
involvement is hypothesized to be particularly important for firstborn adjustment during the transition to siblinghood because mothers are spending more time caring for the infant (Volling, 2005).
Indeed, the birth of a second child appears to spur changes in father
involvement. In one of the few studies focusing on the birth of a
second child, Stewart (1990) found that fathers increased their
childcare involvement with firstborn children from prepartum to 1
year later, such that the care of the firstborn was more equally
divided between spouses at 12 months, but infant care remained
primarily the mother’s responsibility. Fathers appeared to “specialize” in the care of their firstborn children after the birth of a
second child, whereas mothers were responsible for the infants.
Hegemonic male gender roles emphasize aggression and power
and, in turn, fathers’ roles as disciplinarians (McKelley & Rochlen,
2016). Because parental control and discipline become increasingly necessary during children’s toddler and preschool years
(American Academy of Pediatrics, Committee on Psychosocial
Aspects of Child and Family Health, 1998), it is possible that
fathers felt more comfortable specializing in care of their firstborns. It is not clear whether a similar situation would describe
today’s families in which fathers are expected to take a more active
caregiving role, even with infants (Lamb, 2000). More recently,
Krieg (2007) compared first- and second-time mothers and found
that second-time mothers perceived their division of labor and
childcare to be more gender-stereotyped than did first-time mothers after the birth of their infants (e.g., mother cooked and fed
baby, father took out trash and played with baby; Krieg, 2007),
suggesting that fathers were less involved in infant care responsibilities. Because Krieg (2007) did not examine the division of
childcare separately for firstborns and infants, it is not clear
whether this withdrawal from infant care was associated with a
corresponding increase in care of the firstborn, which is in line
with a specialization hypothesis. Because the birth of a second
child means there are now two children in the home, it is possible
that parents may divide responsibilities between the two children.
Perhaps fathers are equally involved with both children, or they
may specialize and assume more responsibility for the firstborn
than the infant (Kreppner et al., 1982; Stewart, 1990). Because
previous work has found that fathers are more involved with older
children than infants (Pleck, 1997), we hypothesized that fathers
would be more involved with firstborn children than infants after
the birth of the second child.
Kreppner and colleagues (1982) described three different ways
that couples organized child care after the birth of their second
child: (a) fathers withdrew from childcare and focused more on
housework, (b) fathers specialized in caring for the firstborn to
allow mothers to bond with the infant, and (c) both parents juggled
care between the two children; that is, both mothers and fathers
were involved with and balanced the care of firstborns and infants.
This early work demonstrated that in two-child families, parents
potentially juggled childcare responsibilities not only between
each other, but also between the two children. Variation in men’s
adherence to masculine gender norms may have explained the
appearance of these three typologies. Men who actively reject
hegemonic masculinity may attempt to share childcare equitably
and thus juggle care between children and with their partners.
Because boys and men are not socialized to be caregivers, men
report having parenting skill deficits, even with basic tasks (McKelley & Rochlen, 2016). Hence, perhaps fathers who are less
skilled with basic childcare would withdraw from childcare and
focus instead on housework. Finally, men who emphasize the
disciplinarian father role may be attracted to being more involved
with their toddler and preschool-aged firstborns, whose socioemotional development depends on compliance and internalizing rules.
Despite the fact that childcare responsibilities may differ between children and between parents within families, most studies
looking at the division of childcare focused either on a single child
or aggregated childcare across children (Craig & Mullan, 2011;
Evertsson, 2014; Krieg, 2007). Such approaches may underestimate fathers’ childcare involvement if fathers are primarily responsible for the care of the older children while mothers care for
the infants. In the current study, we used a prospective longitudinal
design to examine trajectories of father involvement in firstborn
and infant care within families to examine whether fathers specialized in care of the firstborn. We also explored whether fathers
juggled child care responsibilities across the year such that involvement with one child in the early months after birth predicted
fathers’ involvement with the other child over the year following
the infant’s birth.
Family Structure, Gender, and Father Involvement
Men were especially impacted by the recession of 2008, as
roughly 75% of jobs lost in the recession were held by men
(McKelley & Rochlen, 2016). Thus, in today’s changing social
landscape and in response to economic uncertainty, more U.S.
mothers are working throughout their children’s infancy and early
childhood years, which may have repercussions for how couples
manage childcare responsibilities (Wilcox & Dew, 2013). Indeed,
both fathers and mothers are increasingly viewing childcare and
financial provisioning as integral to their respective family roles
(Maurer & Pleck, 2006). Although there are now more dual-earner
families (65%) than single-earner families (30%) in the United
States (Payne & Gibbs, 2013), employment trends paint a different
picture in the perinatal period. Within a year of giving birth, 39%
of married women were not in the labor force, 38% were working
full-time, and 17% were working part-time (Cruz, 2013). Thus, the
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
FATHER INVOLVEMENT AFTER THE SECOND CHILD
birth of an infant may result in greater numbers of father-headed
single-earner families where mothers are primarily responsible for
childcare and fathers assume the traditional “breadwinner” role.
Although this single-earner family structure continues to subsist,
current empirical research on the division of labor after the birth of
an infant has focused predominantly on dual-earner families
(Meteyer & Perry-Jenkins, 2010; Yavorsky et al., 2015). Naturally,
the division of childcare after the birth of a second child is likely
to be divided differently in single-earner versus dual-earner families. In dual-earner families, both mother and father have to
balance childcare with work, whereas in father-headed singleearner families, roles are likely more traditional, with fathers
providing financially and mothers assuming primary responsibility
for children (Wilcox & Dew, 2013). Previous research has found
that the more hours mothers worked outside the home, the more
fathers were involved with children (Aldous, Mulligan, & Bjarnason, 1998). Thus, we expected that dual-earner fathers would be
more involved with both children than single-earner fathers.
Beyond mean-level differences in father involvement between
dual- and single-earner families, earlier studies suggested processes guiding father involvement differed across family ecologies
(Crouter, Perry-Jenkins, Huston, & McHale, 1987; Volling &
Belsky, 1991), further illuminating the unique predictors of father
involvement within dual- and single-earner families. For example,
Volling and Belsky (1991) argued that contextual characteristics
such as work–family balance may be stronger predictors of father
involvement in the time-poor environment of dual-earner couples.
In contrast, personal attributes and intrapersonal beliefs (e.g., gender roles) may play a more prominent role in predicting father
involvement in single-earner families, where involvement may be
more a function of personal choice than necessity. Evidence for
gender role beliefs as a predictor of father involvement has been
mixed, however. In this regard, Barnett and Baruch (1987) found
that gender role beliefs predicted greater father involvement in
dual-earner families but not single-earner families. Yet, Crouter et
al. (1987) found that gender role beliefs did not predict father
involvement in either type of family structure. Further, although
egalitarian gender role beliefs have been associated with greater
father involvement in child care tasks (Davis & Greenstein, 2009;
Evertsson, 2014), this is not always the case (Crouter et al., 1987;
Meteyer & Perry-Jenkins, 2010), and often, egalitarian beliefs do
not predict egalitarian behavior (Lachance-Grzela & Bouchard,
2010). Indeed, in a large scale study of working men, fathers
reported that although they believed in sharing childcare responsibilities equally, most did less than their female partners (Harrington, Van Deusen, & Fraone, 2013). On the basis of previous
research, we hypothesized that if gender role beliefs predicted
father involvement, then there would be stronger associations in
dual-earner compared to single-earner families.
Work–Family Interface and Father Involvement
Working men believe that both breadwinning and caregiving are
integral to fathers’ roles (Harrington et al., 2013), and men’s
increasing desires to have a fulfilling career and family life can
create greater work-family conflict (Harrington, Fraone, Lee, &
Levey, 2016). In dual-earner families with two working parents,
social-contextual factors such as work-family conflict may have a
more profound influence on how couples share and partake in
245
child care. For instance, Stewart (1990) found that many men often
increased their work hours after the birth of their second child to
provide financially for their growing families. It is unclear if men
today would also choose work over family after the birth of an
infant and whether they feel pressured to work for economic
security or due to a lack of parental leave. Although fathers are
spending three times more time with their children now than
compared to 1965 (Pew Research Center, 2013) and believe in
sharing equal responsibility with mothers, fathers continue to see
themselves as secondary caregivers to mothers (Harrington et al.,
2016).
Currently, the United States does not have public paid leave
policies for mothers, let alone for fathers (Adema et al., 2015). As
a result, most fathers take little to no time off after the birth of an
infant. For example, in a large study of white-collar workers, 75%
of men took 1 week or less off of work after the birth of an infant
(Harrington, Van Deusen, & Humberd, 2011). However, when
companies offered paternity leave, fathers often took advantage of
leave policies (Harrington, Van Deusen, Fraone, Eddy, & Haas,
2014). Interestingly, even when men were offered 4 or more weeks
paid time off, nearly 30% of men would take only 2 weeks off
(Harrington et al., 2014). Thus, despite available family leave
policies, gendered expectations in the workplace may dissuade
men from becoming more involved at home. For example, fathers
reported that their work culture was less supportive of their family
lives than did mothers, and as a result, working fathers were more
likely to invest time in paid work and less time in childcare (Hill,
2005). When men had greater workplace flexibility, they were
more likely to be involved in daily childcare activities (Radcliffe &
Cassell, 2015), but men experiencing greater work–family conflict
reported less involvement with children (Hart & Kelley, 2006).
Because both mothers and fathers in dual-earner couples have to
manage work and childcare responsibilities, work–family conflict
may be a bigger hurdle for dual-earner fathers than single-earner
fathers. Indeed, dual-earner parents reported more work–family
conflict than did single-earner parents (Elloy & Smith, 2003), and
dual-earner fathers reported more work–family conflict than did
single-earner fathers (Harrington et al., 2013). In the current study,
we hypothesized that work–family conflict would be predictive of
father involvement after the birth of a second child but exert a
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