Please use the word document I uploaded for terminology required to do this paper and the readings to help write the paper.Here are the requirements for the paper listed below.1) any event that has been covered by the media in terms of prejudice is not allowed 2) any event that is obviously about prejudice is not allowed 3) you must use tangible examples of behavior as evidence 4) you must link behavior to theory
Form of the paper: Paragraph 1 = Description of the event Paragraph 2 = Description of the relevant psychology of prejudice Paragraph 3 = Application of psychology to help reader understand the event through the
lens of prejudice
exam_review_1.docx
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Exam Review 1
Chapter 1
ageism 29
Evaluative judgments about persons made simply due to their advanced age
classism 30
Prejudice due to a person’s position in the social hierarchy as indicated by
wealth, degree of power, and/or membership in particular racial, religious, or
status groups
cultural discrimination 22
Occurs when one group within a culture retains the power to define cultural
values as well as the form those values should take. This power results in
discrimination and inequality built into literature, art, music, language, morals,
customs, beliefs, and ideology to such a degree that they define a generally
agreed-on way of life
culture 7
A unique meaning and information system, shared by a group and transmitted
across generations, that allows the group to meet basic needs of survival,
pursue happiness and well-being, and derive meaning from life
discrimination 16
Treating a person differently from others based solely or primarily on the
person’s membership in a social group
explicit prejudices 23
Intergroup attitudes and stereotypes that people intentionally retrieve from
memory and so are willing to personally endorse and which lead to deliberate,
intentional behavior
group privilege 9
An unearned favored state conferred simply because of one’s membership in an
advantaged social group
heterosexism 28
A bias based on an ideological system that denies, denigrates, and stigmatizes
any nonheterosexual form of behavior, identity, relationship, or community
implicit prejudices 23
Intergroup stereotypes and attitudes that are automatically activated when a
person encounters an outgroup member. They are difficult to control and so
can lead to biased evaluations and behaviors even if the person had no
intention of acting that way
institutional discrimination 19
Discrimination that occurs when beliefs about group superiority are sanctioned
by institutions or governing bodies. It is rooted in the norms, policies, and
practices associated with a social institution such as the family, religious
institutions, the educational system, and the criminal justice system
interpersonal discrimination 17
One individual’s unfair treatment of another based on the other person’s group
membership
intersectionality 24
The idea that people belong to many social groups at once, such as Black and
woman or man and gay
organizational discrimination 17
The manifestation of institutional discrimination in the context of a particular
organization
prejudice 15
An attitude directed toward people because they are members of a specific
social group
scientific racism 33
The interpretation (and frequently misinterpretation) of research results to
show minority groups in a negative light
stereotypes 13
Beliefs and opinions about the characteristics, attributes, and behaviors of
members of various groups
transgender 28
People for whom the sex she or he was assigned at birth is an incomplete or
incorrect description of her- or himself
Chapter 2
Affect Misattribution Procedure 59
A technique for assessing implicit prejudice that examines the extent to which
the affect (emotion) associated with a given prime is transferred to a neutral
stimulus
Affective Priming Paradigm 57
A technique for assessing implicit prejudice that is based on the speed with
which a person associates a category (such as older adult) and associated terms
(such as forgetful)
amygdala 55
A structure in the brain involved in the processing of emotions such as fear,
anger, and pleasure
conditions of independent variable 68
Sets of experiences that represent different aspects of the independent variable
content analysis 73
A research method by which researchers study documents, photographs, and
works of art, to identify themes that help them understand the topic being
studied
convenience sampling 64
A method of recruiting people to participate in research that focuses on people
from whom the researchers can easily collect data
convergent validity 50
The degree to which scores on a measure correlate with scores on measures of
the same or related characteristics and with behaviors that are related to the
characteristic being measured
correlation coefficient 65
A statistic that represents the relationship between two variables (Chapter 2).
correlational research strategy 62
A strategy used by researchers who measure two or more variables and look for
relationships among them
dependent variable 67
In research, the proposed effect in a hypothesized cause-and-effect relationship
between two variables
discriminant validity 51
The extent to which a measure does not assess characteristics that it is not supposed to assess
ethnographic research 72
A set of qualitative data collection techniques, including participating in events,
observing behavior, and conducting interviews, that researchers use to
understand how people experience and interpret events in their daily lives
experimental research strategy 67
A research strategy in which researchers take control of the research situation
to ensure that the criteria for determining whether one variable causes another
are met. It is the only research method that can be used for determining
causality
field experiment 70
A research strategy in which an independent variable is manipulated in a
natural setting but as much control as possible is maintained over the research
situation
generalizability 77
The principle that the results of research on a hypothesis should be similar
regardless of how a study is conducted. That is, the hypothesis should be
supported generally, not just in one specific study
hypothesis 48
A proposed relationship between two variables that is tested in research
hypothetical construct 49
An abstract concept, such as prejudice, that is used in theories and must be
recast in concrete terms so that it can be measured and manipulated in
research
Implicit Association Test (IAT) 57
A technique for measuring prejudice that uses the principle of response
competition to pit two responses (a habitual response and an opposing
response) against one another. In assessing prejudice, the technique assumes
that negative responses are more closely associated with outgroups than are
positive responses, so prejudiced people’s negative responses to stimuli
associated with an outgroup will be faster than positive responses to the
outgroup
implicit cognition measures 57
A set of techniques used to measure implicit prejudices. These techniques
include the Affect Misattribution Procedure, the Affective Priming Paradigm,
and the Implicit Association Test
independent variable 67
In research, the proposed cause in a hypothesized cause-and-effect relationship.
In experimental research, it is also the term used for the variable the
experimenter manipulates
laboratory experiment 70
Experimental research that is carried out in a highly controlled environment
meta-analysis 75
A research method that statistically combines the results of multiple studies to
determine the average relationship between the variables across studies
naturalistic fallacy 56
The erroneous belief that because something has a biological basis, it is a
natural, in-born, and unchangeable aspect of human nature
operational definition 49
Directly observable, concrete representation of a hypothetical construct
physiological measures 54
Measures that assess the body’s responses to a stimulus. Examples include
blood pressure, heart rate, and electrical activity in specific areas of the brain
prediction 49
The restatement of a hypothesis in terms of operational definitions
probability sample 63
A sample of research participants that is constructed to be an accurate
representation of the population of interest
reliability 50
The consistency with which a measure provides essentially the same result each
time it is used with the same person
self-report 51
A research technique that relies on asking people to report their attitudes,
opinions, and behaviors
social desirability response bias 50
People’s tendency to act and to respond to researchers’ questions in ways that
make them look good
survey research 63
A form of research in which respondents self-report about their attitudes,
beliefs, opinions, behaviors, and personalities
unobtrusive measures 53
Subtle measures of prejudice that appear to have nothing to do with prejudice
or that appear to be unrelated to the research study taking place
validity 50
The accuracy of a measure, assessed in terms of how well scores on the
measure correlate with scores on measures of related traits and behaviors and
the extent to which scores on the measure are uncorrelated with scores on
measures of unrelated traits and behaviors
variable 47
A characteristic on which people differ and so takes on more than one value
when it is measured in a group of people
Chapter 3
basic social category 91
Categories such as age, race, and gender, for which perceivers have a wealth of
information available in memory
categorization 87
The process of simplifying our environment by creating categories on the basis
of characteristics (such as hair color or athletic ability) that a particular set of
people appear to have in common
correspondence bias 105
People’s tendency to give relatively little weight to how situational factors
influence behavior and to instead conclude that people’s actions are due to
their personality traits
cross-racial identification bias 102
The finding that people have difficulty drawing distinctions between members
of other ethnic groups
hypodescent 95
The tendency for people to classify a racially ambiguous person as a member of
the minority or socially subordinate group rather than the majority group
illusory correlation 106
Belief that incorrectly links two characteristics, such as race and a personality
trait
ingroup overexclusion 99
The tendency to misclassify ingroup members as outgroup members (even
though it means excluding some ingroup members) rather than to misclassify
outgroup members as part of the ingroup
intersectionalities 92
The idea that people belong to many social groups at once, such as Black and
woman or man and gay
linguistic intergroup bias 115
The hypothesis that positive descriptions of ingroups and negative descriptions
of outgroups tend to be made in abstract terms and that negative ingroup and
positive outgroup actions tend to be described in concrete terms
man-first principle 112
The tendency for males to be mentioned before females when binomial phrases,
such as husband and wife, are employed
minimal group paradigm 98
A standard set of research procedures that creates artificial ingroups and
outgroups based on bogus information given to research participants about
minimally important differences between groups
outgroup homogeneity effect 100
The proposition that people tend to see members of their own group as very
different from one another and, at the same time, tend to underestimate the
differences between members of other groups
prototypicality 93
The extent to which a member of a social group or category fits the observer’s
concept of the essential features characteristic of that social group or category
racial phenotypical bias 94
The finding that the more prototypical of a category a person is, the more
quickly and easily the person is categorized
social role theory 105
The proposition that, when we observe others, we pay attention to the social
roles they occupy and, in doing so, come to associate the characteristics of the
role with the individuals who occupy it
stereotype content model 88
A theory of the nature of stereotypes that classifies group stereotypes along the
two broad dimensions of warmth and competence
subtypes 93
Categories that are subordinate to the more basic categories of gender, race,
and age
transgender 91
People for whom the sex she or he was assigned at birth is an incomplete or
incorrect description of her- or himself
ultimate attribution error 102
The assumption that one’s own group’s negative behavior can be explained by
situational processes, but similar negative actions by members of other groups
are due to their internal stable characteristics
Chapter 7
anti-bias education 296
A form of education that aims to give people a heightened awareness of institutional racism and bias and to provide them with the skills to reduce racism and
bias within their spheres of influence
category constancy 289
An understanding that a person’s membership in a social category, such as
gender or race, does not change across time or as a matter of superficial
changes in appearance
category preference 268
The tendency for children to prefer to interact with members of one social category over another
cognitive developmental theories 280
A set of theories that emphasize the ongoing interplay between children’s
mental development and their environments, accounting for social-cognitive
processes such as prejudice in terms of both nature and nurture
cooperative learning 294
A type of group learning environment that implements the necessary contact
conditions thought to reduce prejudice as part of the day-to-day educational
process
desegregation 292
The policy of creating diversity in schools by enrolling majority- and
minority-group students in the same school without making efforts to create
the conditions required for more positive intergroup interactions. In contrast,
see integration
developmental intergroup theory 287
A theory of prejudice development in children that holds that the development
of prejudice is a by-product of the normal process of cognitive development:
Children’s efforts to understand the world they live in and the rules by which
that world operates
doll technique 266
measure of racial category awareness where the child is presented with two (or
more) dolls and asked to identify the dolls’ ethnicity
essentialism 289
The belief that members of a category all have similar psychological
characteristics and that these characteristics are unchanging
homosociality 275
The tendency to interact socially only with members of one’s own sex
integration 292
The policy of creating diversity in schools by enrolling majority- and
minority-group students in the same school while simultaneously taking steps
to create the conditions required for more positive intergroup interactions. In
contrast, see desegregation
multicultural education 295
An umbrella term that covers a variety of programs designed to teach people
about ethnic, racial, religious, and other groups in society
social learning theory 282
The proposition that we learn social behaviors and attitudes either directly (for
example, by being rewarded or punished for our actions) or vicariously (for
example, by observing the consequences of others’ behavior)
Against ‘new racism’
433
the second half of the 20th century was marked by the establishment of laws and public
policies that established de jure racial equality (for reviews see Crenshaw, Gotanda, Peller,
& Thomas, 1995; Minow, 1993). There is little doubt that this provided the groups long
subjected to racial discrimination a certain level of protection against it. And yet, in North
America (Omi & Winant, 1986; Sears, 1988), Western Europe (Cheles, Ferguson, &
Vaughan, 1991; Ford, 1991), and Australia (Riggs & Augoustinous, 2005; Rapley,
1998), political groups continue to gain substantial support by criticizing state efforts
against racial discrimination. And, throughout Western Europe (Ford, 1991; Miles,
1989; Winant, 1994) and North America (Sidanius & Pratto, 1999; Winant, 2001), as well
as in Australia (Broome, 2002) there is continued evidence of racial discrimination in
housing, employment, police treatment, sentencing, health provision and a host of other
domains. That racial discrimination and racist political movements persist in societies that
have achieved de jure equality has led many to suggest that a ‘new racism’ serves as an
ideological basis of contemporary white investment in racial inequality.
The notion of a ‘new racism’ transcends national boundaries. It has been suggested
in the United States (e.g. Essed, 1991; Omi & Winant, 1986; Sears, 1988), Britain (e.g.
Barker, 1982; Reeves, 1983), South Africa (e.g. Durrheim & Dixon, 2004), Australia (e.g.
Augoustinos, Tuffin, & Rapley, 1999; Pedersen & Walker, 1997), New Zealand (Wetherell
& Potter, 1992) and throughout Western Europe (e.g. Essed, 1991; Pettigrew & Meertens,
1995; Tagueiff, 1989; van Dijk, 1984). The notion of a ‘new racism’ also transcends scholarly boundaries, as it has been suggested by psychologists, sociologists, political theorists, historians, literary and cultural critics, citing evidence collected with qualitative,
quantitative, historical, discursive and archival methods (for reviews see Duckitt, 1992;
Durrheim & Dixon, 2004). As Wetherell and Potter (1992, p. 194) point out in their discursive analysis of racism in New Zealand, ‘one can see many parallels, superficially at
least, between the patterns we identify and the phenomenon identified by many American
experimental social psychologists, described variously as ‘modern racism’, [ . . . ] ‘symbolic racism’, [ . . . ] and ‘racial ambivalence’.
Although, there are variations in how ‘new racism’ is conceptualized, most approaches
rely on two inter-related assumptions. First, it is assumed that the de jure racial inequality
that characterized the world before the 1970s enabled the ideologies of genetic racial
inferiority and segregationism to be widely shared and formally expressed with impunity
(see Pettigrew & Meertens, 1995; Sears, 1988). As Schuman, Steeh, Bobo & Krysan
(1997, p. 10) put it in their analysis of anti-black attitudes in the United States, ‘Through
the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, most whites, North and South, considered blacks to be their biological and social inferiors . . . ’ Like other proponents of the
notion of a ‘new racism’, they suggest that genetic inferiority and segregationism were
so popular and unproblematic that they could be expressed blatantly, overtly and directly,
even in formal settings such as interviews, public discussions and political rhetoric.
The second claim central to the notion of a ‘new racism’ is that there was a marked
change in the formal expression of racism after the 1970s, when de jure equality was
achieved in most societies. It is argued that the formal expression of racism had to change
to jive with the new reality of de jure equality. For example, referring to Britain, Barker
(1982, p. 25) argued that ‘ . . . there has been a conscious bid by the Tories, led from
their Right, since 1968, for a new theorization of race. It is powerful in that it avoids
the older definitions of race that were so evidently tainted with Hitlerism’. Researchers
in Western Europe (Balibar, 1991; Pettigrew & Meertens, 1995), Britain (Barker, 1982;
Reeves, 1983), Australia (Augoustinos et al., 1999), and New Zealand (Wetherell &
Copyright # 2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
J. Community Appl. Soc. Psychol., 15: 432–445 (2005)
434
C. W. Leach
Potter, 1992) all suggest that this ‘new racism’ could be expressed openly in formal settings by criticizing others’ cultural difference. For example, in their analysis of ‘white’
(Pakeha) New Zealanders talk about indigenous Maori people, Wetherell and Potter
(1992, p. 137), argue that, ‘Culture discourse, therefore, now takes over some of the same
tasks as race. …
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